Welfare is national security

Welfare has become one of the dirtiest words in America. In the dictionary, it means the “health, happiness, and fortunes of a person or group.” In government, it refers to a range of programs designed to support people. But in common political parlance, it’s come to mean a transfer of taxpayer dollars from honest, hard-working Americans to lazy, undeserving moochers.

So it’s no surprise that when Elon Musk, the world’s richest man and puppetmaster of the Trump Administration, scours the government for waste with his so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), welfare programs will be scrutinized. Musk recently called Social Security a “ponzi scheme” and said on his social media platform, X, that Medicare “is where big money fraud is happening.” Despite President Trump’s campaign pledges to the contrary, Musk appears to be looking hard at deep cuts to Americans’ entitlements.

Defining waste

Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security are three of the biggest pillars of America’s welfare state. Wildly popular among both Democrats and Republicans, they provide healthcare coverage and steady incomes for the old, poor, or disabled. Musk and Trump claim they are rife with fraud, and that cutting them will save taxpayers money. 

They’ve even floated the idea of sending Americans $5,000 DOGE dividend checks from their budget cuts. That would buy them a lot of temporary grace, but these support programs are worth far more than any one-time payoff. Long after the money’s gone, when the retirement income stops coming and the medical debt piles up, Americans will regret trusting billionaires to decide what is and isn’t wasteful in their lives.

While they’ve highlighted some seemingly frivolous expenditures, neither Trump nor Musk have given any concrete definition for “waste.” In truth, some welfare programs operate with remarkable efficiency. 

As Matthew Desmond writes in Poverty, by America, “Roughly 85 percent of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program [SNAP] budget is dedicated to funding food stamps themselves, and almost 93 percent of Medicaid and even Supplemental Security Income dollars flow directly to beneficiaries.” These numbers are better than even high-performing charities, and their impacts are profound. But if you think feeding hungry people is a waste in the first place, it won’t matter how efficiently the program accomplishes its goal.

A different kind of security

Conspicuously missing from DOGE’s radar are the enormous corporate subsidies to military contractors like Musk himself. According to The Washington Post, Musk’s companies have received a staggering $38 billion in government contracts, loans, and tax rebates. After Trump’s inauguration it was reported that Tesla, a $1 trillion company that paid $0 in taxes in 2024, was set to receive another $400 million contract for armored vehicles. Taxes allow Musk to put nearly 7,000 satellites into low-earth orbit, giving him tremendous powers of surveillance, yet he wants to slash environmental protections and entitlements for ordinary people.

Perhaps surprisingly, Musk has proposed cuts to the Pentagon, citing its repeated audit failures and $800 billion budget. So far, though, it’s unclear how much will be cut. Trump increased the military’s budget every year of his first term. Whether DOGE compels the Pentagon to tighten its belt or not, it’s worth asking why there is often so much less scrutiny of military and police budgets than of entitlement programs like Medicaid. 

The answer may seem obvious: Police and the military defend our lives and our freedom. But this spending also primarily benefits the nation’s wealthy. Police are there to prevent riff-raff from disrupting commerce. The military theoretically defends the homeland, but in practice they spend a lot more time securing global markets. 

Assuming, though, that Americans accept the premise – that large military and police budgets are necessary for our protection – why wouldn’t we invest in healthcare and Social Security? The threats from cancer and poverty are far more widespread than those from terrorism or gang violence. 

Again, the answer is that the rich need not fear costly healthcare or destitution, and they have no interest in sacrificing a portion of their largesse to defend you from them. Quite the opposite; these perils ensure them a steadily exploitable workforce. Republicans openly and proudly acknowledge this. As the right-wing Heritage Foundation put it, for workers, “The threat of an empty stomach is a great motivator.”

The campaign against welfare

The contempt for basic welfare many Americans hold can be chilling. Not only do we have no pride in taking care of one another, we think it’s the wrong thing to do. In any healthy society, programs like Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, food stamps, and housing assistance would be supported even by those who don’t need them: on basic moral grounds, to maintain the health of society, and because there but for the grace of God go any of us. 

Instead, Republicans rail against things like free lunches for schoolchildren. That psychopathy is now normalized, and it’s toxified huge swaths of the country. Elected Republicans are practically lustful in their desire to dismantle Social Security, Medicaid, and Medicare, placing basically everyone who’s not a millionaire in jeopardy of abject ruin. Just last week the House GOP passed a budget that orders $880 billion in spending cuts, jeopardizing millions of poor and disabled Medicaid recipients, including children.

Yet many Americans celebrate this destruction of our public goods. Right-wing propaganda plays a huge role in this. It has convinced people that their neighbors are better off without the assistance, that overcoming suffering on their own builds character. At the extreme end, some believe their countrymen deserve poverty. Others are laser-focused on minimizing taxes, regardless of the social consequences. Many become jaded by stories of Americans who game the system.

Is there waste, fraud, and abuse of these systems? Absolutely, and some of the worst offenders are the already-very-rich. Corporations like Walmart and McDonald’s rely on government programs to subsidize their poverty wages while raking in billions in profit. Mobsters, crooked doctors, and others bilk Americans out of billions of dollars through Medicare, HUD, and other kinds of fraud. Shortly after the pandemic, the government forgave $755 billion in Paycheck Protection Program loans issued to business owners.

But instead of focusing on how the system further enriches the already-well-off, politicians worry about an occasional poor person who fakes a disability, then use them as justification to shred the safety net. This is because their donors, who fly in private jets, own vast swaths of land, and can afford premium medical care, have no need for public transportation, affordable housing, or subsidized healthcare. Many of the rich yearn to extricate themselves from organized society entirely, with private armies, private property, indentured servitude, and no tax burden.

For example, Trump has affectionately referred to the Gilded Age as our “richest” period. This was a time of child labor, no worker protections, rampant corruption, and severe inequality. It led to socialist and union movements and, eventually, the New Deal. Now, the central mission of the Republican Party is to annihilate any traces left of New Deal thinking. The end result will be more yachts for Jeff Bezos and millions more malnourished, under-educated Americans. It’s tough to find words for a party so pathologically committed to destroying, essentially, the fabric of society. 

The fight to put people over profit

It’s important to understand this wider context to place the chaos of Trump, Musk, and DOGE in perspective. The Reagan Revolution, the Contract with America, FOX News, and MAGA are all descendants in the same lineage, and they share a common goal: Obliterate the government’s ability to more equitably spread the nation’s bounty of material comforts from those who have a mountain of them to those who have few or none. Trump and Musk, with their flamboyant personalities, have cultivated a base that cheers the acceleration of that process.

The peril extends beyond welfare programs and into our public health infrastructure, parks and wildlife, education system, and basically everything that makes America a country instead of a patchwork of corporate fiefdoms. If Trump and Musk have their way, it will all be up for grabs, leaving nothing but a hollowed-out husk of a nation with a price tag on every square inch.

Finding our way out of this far-right fever dream and building a cooperative society will take considerable effort. But the robber barons of the Gilded Age didn’t want to invest in the health of the nation, either. People will have to fight for it today just as they did then, and we can start by affirming that it is not wasteful to invest in our health, education, and happiness. 

From there, the approach is multifaceted and will evolve over time. Where possible, the fight can include legislative demands like tax hikes on the wealthy, closing loopholes to their tax obligations, or reducing the burdens of poverty through things like rent caps and tax credits for the poor. Communities must organize around their common economic interests, strike, protest, and collectively bargain with politicians, landlords, employers and other controlling segments of society. Authoritarian Republicans will deploy all the propaganda and state violence at their disposal against anyone involved in these activities, but the fight has to happen.

There are a lot of good reasons to hate the government. Its capacity to pool our resources and administrate a cooperative society with safety nets isn’t a good one. There are few greater risks to the American people than the dissolution of their healthcare, retirement, environment, and national trust.
We should invest in public housing because people who are better taken care of are less likely to resort to crime. We should invest in public health because diseases spread, and sickness and suffering can afflict us all. We should invest in education so our children grow up to contribute to our nation’s shared knowledge and advancement. Without these investments, we place our futures at the mercy of oligarchs like Elon Musk and Donald Trump who are solely interested in profit. If national security means holding the country together, then welfare for the people, in whatever form it takes, is essential to our national interest.

The Crumbling of Elon’s Little Digital Dictatorship

The world’s richest man, Elon Musk, has officially purchased the social media platform Twitter for the astronomical sum of $44 billion. It’s one of the most high-profile business transactions in recent memory, and the ensuing chaos has steadily unraveled both the myths Musk built up around himself and the myths we tell ourselves about billionaires and capitalist excellence.

Musk, age 51, was born into wealth. His father famously owned significant shares of an emerald mine, among other business and real estate ventures, while his mother was a fashion cover model. After college, the young Musk made a series of very savvy business decisions, helping to found PayPal and SpaceX and becoming the largest shareholder in Tesla. In the years since, Musk has invested heavily in his public relations, branding himself as a forward-thinking, genius inventor.

Until recently, that image largely held. But gradually, as Musk began making more peculiar and immature statements and as journalists dug deeper into his business practices and personal history, a different picture emerged. Now, with his acquisition of Twitter and all the ensuing, very public drama that’s entailed, it’s become clearer than ever that Musk isn’t a transformative savior who will guide mankind to a brighter future. He may not even be much of a businessman. He may, actually, be kind of a dunce.

Musk overpays for Twitter and scrambles to recoup his investment

For months after making his initial offer, Musk tried to back out of his deal to buy Twitter. The $44 billion price he paid for it is more than the GDP of most nations, and some $30 billion more than Twitter’s estimated value. Musk’s own net worth is estimated at around $180 billion, but it fluctuates dramatically as his unpredictable actions leave investors and stockholders in turbulence. To seal the Twitter deal, Musk put together $46.5 billion through a combination of personal financing, including by selling Tesla stock, and loans from a number of banks and investors.

Now that Musk is the owner, Twitter is delisted from the stock exchange. One of the world’s largest social media platforms, with some 240 million monetizable daily active users, is now Musk’s own privately held fiefdom. The company is no longer accountable to the usual bylaws or ethics, limited though they may be, of public corporations. And all that user data — pictures, direct messages, financial and personal information — is now in the hands of a man with utter contempt for the privacy and security of others, as is the platform himself.

Immediately after taking over, Musk began making big changes, all of which appear aimed at recouping his investment and paying off his creditors. He fired half the staff, ordered the other half to work 84 hours a week, and ended remote work. When it looked like Musk had laid off too many people, he tried to recall some of them. Senior people at Twitter have been resigning left and right.

Conservatives applauded much of this, viewing Musk as a decisive man of action and Twitter employees as spreading left-wing propaganda. Many of the laid-off workers were responsible for Twitter’s moderation of hate speech, communications, ethics, and advertising. Instances of the n-word skyrocketed 500% immediately after Musk’s takeover and right-wing conspiracy theories surged. Musk had previously complained that Twitter censored conservative voices in favor of liberal ones.

Shortly after taking over, Musk proposed an $8 monthly fee for verified users, apparently haggled down by Musk himself from an initial $20 in a Twitter thread with author Stephen King. Verification comes in the form of a blue check mark next to an account’s username that signals to readers the account is official. Charging for it is apparently an attempt to monetize Twitter’s users and sort of invert the site’s long-running business model. Before, Twitter’s users were the product and advertisers were the customers, paying for users to see their ads. Now, Musk wants users themselves to pony up as well.

Comedy is now legal on Twitter — except for this, this, and this

Musk has often branded his decision to buy Twitter as an attempt to restore free speech to the platform, proudly tweeting, “Comedy is now legal on Twitter.” Trolls and other users very quickly tested the limits of that theory.

After Musk began selling verification, a rash of phony verified accounts began impersonating official accounts, posting satire and parody from them. Many of these pretended to be Musk himself, posting about his association with convicted child sex trafficker Ghislaine Maxwell, his dodging of taxes, and offering to give away cryptocurrency. Musk quickly clamped down on these accounts and suspended them, but in some cases, not before they had significant, real-world consequences.

On November 10, an account impersonating pharmaceutical company Eli Lilly tweeted, “We are excited to announce insulin is free now.” The real company quickly put out a tweet correcting the information — they are not giving away insulin, despite the fact that its creators gave it away and wished it to be affordable for all — and Twitter suspended the phony account, but the damage had already been done. Eli Lilly’s stock, along with two other pharmaceutical companies, took a significant hit by the time the market closed.

In many ways, these parody accounts are laudable. They have given high-profile spotlights to corporate misdeeds. But the companies themselves certainly don’t like them. And Musk’s own behavior can’t be reassuring — he posted laughing emojis under a tweet spotlighting parody accounts of Nintendo mascot Mario giving the middle finger and President Joe Biden talking about self-fellatio. Especially at first, it seemed to be primarily his own image that he’s dedicated Twitter’s resources to upholding.

All the chaos has sown distrust and made advertisers wary of Twitter. In addition to the brand risks they face from impersonations and less-regulated hate speech, there is Musk’s personal brand, now inextricably linked to Twitter as a platform, which has slowly morphed from visionary savior of humanity through capitalism to right-wing, anti-woke, sophomoric man-child and reckless business tyrant.

Musk’s behavior at Twitter is high-profile because of the nature of the platform and his own inability to keep quiet on it. But it’s perfectly in line with his practices elsewhere. His companies have committed a litany of labor and product safety violations, including active union-busting, illegal retribution, unsafe work spaces, and flammable solar panels. It’s tempting to buy into his hype, and believe that he is a benevolent billionaire who offered the market cleaner, more sustainable choices. But that doesn’t seem to be who Elon Musk is at his core.

The future looks chaotic

No one knows what will ultimately happen with Twitter. Musk himself has already floated the idea that it could go bankrupt next year. All the dumb decisions — to amplify voices that pay over those that don’t, to fire employees responsible for curating a minimally decent public space — are Musk’s own. The average user experience hasn’t dramatically changed yet, but if the company can’t pay its workers or its bills, anything could happen.

Twitter has always had issues. Social media itself is inherently problematic. But it’s still remarkable to watch Musk transform a potentially viable digital town square into a wasteland, at enormous financial expense to himself and his investors. So far, the whole debacle been a spectacular illustration of just how far the myth of the genius billionaire is from the reality. And, just maybe, it should give us cause to reexamine how we exalt rich people in general.